Friday, July 18, 2025

On the Fear of Becoming a Monster

As a kid, I loved monster movies (think Godzilla) and old-time horror (think Peter Cushing and Christopher Lee). They didn't scare me. 

But then I watched The Exorcist. I was terrified. My sleep was disturbed for weeks. Being a kid, I wasn't identifying with the would-be exorcists or the other adults confronting this terrifying child. I was identifying with the Linda Blair character--a child possessed by evil. What terrified me was the prospect of being possessed or taken over by evil. 

The next movie that I remember really scaring me was An American Werewolf in London. I saw it as a teenager, and I identified with the young American who became a werewolf and thus became a deadly threat to innocents, including friends. My sleep was disturbed for weeks. In my dreams, I'd look in the mirror and see my face begin to change, fangs forming even as I lost control of my own body and actions. 

The prospect of being attacked by a monster never scared me as much as the prospect of becoming a monster. 

This fear probably played a bigger role than I generally credit in shaping my life's trajectory. It helps explain why I gravitated towards pacifism as a young man, why I studied ethics in college and wrote a dissertation on Christian love and violence. 

These days, my sleep is disturbed in the same way it was after watching The Exorcist and An American Werewolf in London as a child. It is disturbed because I have been reading the news, and because I identify with my country. 

While it has always been imperfect, as every country is imperfect, I love my country and have always believed it to be on a trajectory towards moral improvement--sometimes an erratic trajectory, often not enough, but a trajectory nonetheless, one shaped by a deep desire at the heart of the American public to be and do good. 

A conscience. And because of guarantees of freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of the press, not just a conscience but a will and capacity to give voice to that conscience and hold the nation and its leaders accountable to it. 

What scared me as a child was the idea of a child who could be taken over by a demon in such a way that even a deep desire to be good would become irrelevant, utterly impotent, until it was finally stamped out altogether by the demon inside. I had to convince myself that reality doesn't work that way, that demons can't wholly possess us so long as we cling to the deep desire to be good. I was finally able to sleep again when I could tell myself with confidence that my conscience and my will were mine, and no monster could simply usurp them. 

The same happened after watching An American Werewolf in London. I had to work to convince myself that monsters like this--with the power to turn me into a monster with just a bite, overriding and rendering impotent my moral compass--weren't real. 

Now I'm facing the same crisis of fear by reading the news. You can probably guess the news items that stoke my fear, but here is a partial list: 

My country, in a gleeful rush to deport Venezuelan gangsters, suspends due process and ends up deporting innocent refugees and asylum seekers (along with some real gangsters, I'm sure) to an El Salvadoran prison notorious for its abusiveness and from which it seems there is neither rescue nor escape. 

The federal government builds a holding center for detained immigrants in the Florida everglades that it gleefully nicknames "Alligator Alcatraz," a place built in mere days that appears to be a bunch of cages enclosed in prefab structures--the kind of facility that cannot possibly meet the sanitation and climate control standards required for detaining large numbers of people in ways that don't jeopardize their health.

Meanwhile, Stephen Miller is furiously demanding that the number of immigrants detained and deported ramp up to unprecedented levels, pressuring ICE to meet quotas that drive them to sweep up the low-hanging fruit--that is, those most easily detained rather than the criminals who pose a threat to our communities. Among theM:

*The wife of a US Marine, still nursing their youngest child, her green card application denied because of her estranged mother's legal status issues. 

*An 18-year-old high school kid who has grown up in the US, taken into custody while driving his teammates to volleyball practice. 

*A young man who came to the US at 16, has been in the asylum process for years, and in the course of making a life in the US actually became involved in conservative politics and was an advisor to Oklahoma Governor Kevil Stitt. 

*A young college honors student engaged to be married, with no criminal record and actively working through the process of acquiring permanent residency--ripped from her fiancé and her classmates.

And of course there are all those asylum seekers who are so law-abiding they show up for their regularly scheduled immigration appointments, as they always have, only to be met there by ICE agents, handcuffed or zip-tied, and ferried away to an unsanitary cell or cage far from everyone they love.

And in the mad rush to detain as many people as possible, without regard for the harm caused to human lives and families and the American communities being targeted, American citizens are being swept up and detained as well--their lives disrupted, them and their loved ones traumatized, because they fit the wrong racial profile.

Meanwhile, there are the systematic efforts to find legal ways to suppress free expression, especially views and ideas that clash with the ideology or the egos of those in power--by threatening to withhold funding from universities touting ideas the administration doesn't like; by prohibiting use of "diversity, equity, and inclusion" language by all federal employees and agencies; and especially by abducting, terrorizing, and deporting foreign students here on student visas whose only offense was that they participated in nonviolent protests of what they took to be injustice or wrote the wrong op-ed for the school newspaper (thinking, perhaps foolishly, that the country that touted liberty for all and guaranteed freedom of assembly and freedom of expression for its citizens would include them in the scope of those guarantees.) 

I fear that these legal avenues for suppressing speech aim to normalize the practice, easing us--like the frogs in a pot of slowly heating water--into tolerance of more widespread suppression to come. 

This is not news about some other country. It is news about my country. The country I love and identify with. And so, I am once again that child watching The Exorcist, terrified of being turned into a monster by some demon who invades my flesh and has the power to shut down my conscience and my capacity to say no. 

And I am struggling now, as I was then, to affirm that such monsters are not real. There may be monsters out there that can hurt or kill me. Monsters like Godzilla are surely real. But there are no demons or werewolves who, with a spiritual or physical bite, can shut down my conscience and turn me into a monster against my will. And I must believe, in this moment, that this is not just true of me alone but also true of US together.

Things I Believe that Bear on this Political Moment

I believe in human decency. 

I believe that there is a moral obligation to be decent to other human beings, even when there is no legal one. And I believe this obligation falls with special weight on those in power. Those who have the power to make the lives of others miserable...or not...face an especially weighty moral responsibility to embody basic human decency as they exercise that power. 

This moral obligation extends even to people who can do nothing for them: people who can't vote for them or won't vote for them, for example. It extends, for example, to immigrants, even to those who do not have proper visa or residency status, and to people who in other ways violate our laws. 

We can uphold our laws without being indecent. And we should uphold our laws without being indecent. 

If elected officials and their agents, tasked with upholding the laws of the land, can do so in ways that show human decency and in ways that don't, they ought to choose the former even if the latter is not illegal. And if they choose the latter, we should call them out for their indecency and insist they do better.

If they refuse, remember: they are our employees. As citizens and voters, we have both the right and the obligation to fire them. 


I believe in due process and our legal system's presumption of innocence. 

Every fair system of justice aims to prevent the wrongful conviction of the innocent even as it aims to apprehend and convict the guilty. Due process, in which an impartial system weighs evidence of guilt, is essential for achieving these aims. 

The presumption of innocence--and the related requirement to establish guilt beyond a reasonable doubt--exists in part because we view the wrongful conviction of the innocent as a graver error than inadvertently acquitting the guilty.

But there is another reason for this presumption: it constrains would-be abusers of political power. It is a bedrock feature of a free society, because it prevents those in power from using the justice system as a tool to terrorize and punish political critics and opponents.

This is why we should always be on guard against efforts by those in power to circumvent due process. Leaders who look for and try to exploit loopholes in due process requirements may be motivated by a sincere desire to efficiently protect the public. And the loopholes they claim to have found may be real and mean that their actions don't technically violate any law. 

But even when we think this is true we ought to regard such moves with suspicion, and we should look with scepticism at the purported loophole. If we don't, then at best we set a dangerous precedent, and at worst we facilitate the efforts of would-be tyrants.

A variant on the due process norms that guide criminal justice should be in play when it comes to deporting noncitizens. It is true that those who are in this country illegally do not have the same due process rights as citizens and legal residents, especially when it comes to removal from the country. And even for legal nonresidents, deportation to their country of origin does not require the same level of due process protection as is required for criminal punishment. This makes some sense, since being returned to one's country of origin is usually (but not always) a less costly burden for an innocent person to bear than is criminal punishment.

But even with the deportation of nonresidents, whether here legally or not, any effort to bypass due process altogether is something we should be deeply wary of. Partly this is for their sakes: we shouldn't needlessly disrupt the lives and activities of those who are here legally and doing nothing wrong. 

But at least as important is the following fact: due process is how we make sure that those being deported are not citizens or permanent legal residents who have been misidentified.

Due process is how we make sure that American citizens and legal residents aren't deported to an entirely alien place with no family or friends and nothing but the clothes on their backs (or worse, to some foreign prison)--either because of some tragic mistake or because of someone's misuse of power.


I believe in empathy.

By this I mean the practice of putting oneself in the position of others, to imagine what it feels like to be them. 

Humans beings are limited creatures and we get things wrong, so we often fail to accurately imagine what another's situation is like. But if we consistently strive to listen to others with compassionate attention, we can get better at it.

More seriously, we are often limited in the scope of our empathy: it extends to some people but not others. We empathize spontaneously with people who are "like us" but fail to empathize with those who are different. We empathize with "us" but not "them."

This is not a reason to be suspicious of empathy but to be suspicious of its selective, tribal application. It is a reason to call for more empathy rather than less, a reason to practice empathy in contexts of diversity, a reason to aspire to cultivate our capacity for and disposition towards empathy such that it is stronger than our tribalism.


I believe in freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. 

Our nation's founders wrote protection of both into our constitution, in the very first amendment of the Bill of Rights, because they are foundational for a free society. 

The right to free speech does not mean that everyone has the duty to offer their platform or their microphone. Part of free speech is the right to decide what to do with your platform and your microphone--who to lend it to, and who not to lend it to.

So what does it mean? Above all, it means the government should not prohibit or punish mere speech, even speech that is deeply unpopular, and should not prohibit nonviolent assembly, even when it involves unpopular messages.

A nation that cares about free speech does not seek to dole out as little of it as possible or look for legal loopholes that can be exploited to create fear of speaking honestly about what we think. It does not target those who can be legally targeted for their speech (such as by using political expression as a basis for granting, withholding, or revoking the visas of foreign nationals) in order to create fear, fear that if we express opinions unpopular among those in power then they may find a way to target us, too.


I believe in the rule of law. 

The rule of law contrasts most clearly with the rule of an autocrat. Under the rule of an autocrat, the "law" is identical to the will of an individual. That person's will might follow an inner moral compass and so have a law-like character, but there is no guarantee of this. Instead, the autocrat might make decisions based on whim or self interest.

Under the rule of law, there is a clear public code, and all people in society can count on being treated in accordance with this code, whatever the whims or interests of those in power might be. 

No one is above the law, no matter how rich or powerful. 

And no member of society is excluded from the protections of the law.

The rule of law affirms equality under the law.

Under the rule of law, laws might change, but they do so in accord with a public deliberative process designed to preserve stability and predictability. People can *count* on the law. People should not be afraid that their law-abiding behavior today will be retroactively declared illegal, or that legal agreements they base decisions on will suddenly be dissolved.

Under the rule of law, no one who abides by the law is arbitrarily stripped of rights or liberties available to others; and anyone accused of violating the law is given due process in the form of fair trials based on evidence.

This is not an exhaustive account of what the rule of law means, but it offers some highlights.

Every society has fallen short in one way or another of fully living up to these ideals. But I believe the justice of a society is a function of how much it strives to live up to these ideals, and how well it success in doing so.

Tuesday, May 7, 2024

A Plea: Do not Speak about the Israeli/Palestinian Conflict in Ways that Exacerbate It

Please, my friends, look for ways to speak out against injustice and horror that do not promote the us/them ideologies that lie behind so much injustice and horror.

I am think now about the horror in Gaza and the horrific attack in October that triggered it. I am no expert on the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict or the cultural, religious, political, and economic realities that are in play in shaping the conflict and which need to be taken into account in formulating solutions. But what I want to say does not, I think, rely on any such expertise. 

When Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, killing and violating and kidnapping innocents, I have no doubt that those who planned and carried out the attacks justified it by discounting the lives of those they harmed: people they defined wholly in terms of group membership. Being part of the wrong group was enough to morally disqualify their victims.

When I look at the Netanyahu administration’s prosecution of its war against Hamas, I see a single-minded determination to wipe out Hamas so that its members can never harm Israeli citizens again. That single-mindedness has resulted in what looks from where I stand to be a shocking indifference to the lives of Palestinian civilians. More than that, it is actively fueling a humanitarian disaster, one that has and will continue to be a source of suffering and death far beyond what bombs and bullets inflict directly, especially among the most vulnerable populations (children, the sick, and the elderly). 

In short, Israel’s prosecution of the war in Gaza relies on means and tactics that have predictably generated a death toll among Palestinian civilians dwarfing what Hamas inflicted in October—and the death toll keeps rising. It is hard to fathom a justification for this that does not involve a discounting of Palestinian lives just because they belong to “them” rather than “us.”

We’ve heard that “hate feeds hate,” but the principle is broader than this. Even absent overt hate, any way of thinking that cares mostly or only about “our” lives and morally discounts “their” lives drives patterns of conflict in which each side sees the actions of the other as a new outrage that justifies a response the other side will see as a new outrage, and so on ad infinitum.

The October 7 Hamas terrorist attacks predictably inspired a war to wipe out Hamas, a war that is causing untold suffering and death among Palestinians who were just trying to live their lives (lives that were already hard). And that war will, predictably, produce people seething with outrage against those they blame for their shattered lives—an outrage that will, predictably, inspire new recruits into terrorist organizations like Hamas (even if the original Hamas is totally wiped out), fueling more acts of terror that harm innocent people just trying to live their lives.

When we speak out against injustices and horrors, this is the reality into which we speak. And we must be mindful of this reality in choosing what to say. I don’t have good answers, nor do I claim to always know the right thing to say. But I think it is important to look for ways to speak that do not reinforce cycles of violence. 

And as someone with Jewish friends and loved ones (most of whom, by the way, are deeply disturbed by what is being done in Gaza), I urge those who raise their voices against the ongoing horrors in Gaza to speak about it in ways that do not feed into anti-Semitic ideologies. When you share memes or posts about the conflict on social media, I urge you to be careful not to amplify, however unwittingly, anti-Semitic dog whistles.

Of course, the same holds for amplifying words and ideas that demonize Palestinians or diminish the significance of their lives and rights and human beings.

Palestinians have for a long time lived under conditions no one should live under. Israel has for generations now been crouched in a defensive posture in a region filled with those who deny its legitimacy and seek its demise. A path forward, one that offers hope of a better life for everyone, is more important than parsing blame and weighing past wrongs. But anger and pain and resentment about past wrongs impede the efforts of well-meaning people to implement solutions. 

I cannot but believe that a two-state solution is the only path forward. And even if a two-state solution is no Kumbaya society in which Palestinians and Israelis share the land, living together in perfect harmony, it is a solution that requires co-existence as neighboring states. Achieving this will require unprecedented levels of ingenuity and dedication. As such, it will require that people set aside their us/them thinking, or at least enough people do so to reach a kind of tipping-point, one that allows for new policy decisions, new talking points, and mutual perspective-taking.

And this last will happen only if each of us takes responsibility for trying to speak about the conflict, the injustices and the suffering and the blinkered thinking, in ways that do not reinforce ideologies of division. 

When I say "each of us," I especially have in mind those of us who are not caught up personally in the conflict, who have at least some capacity to adopt an outsider's perspective. Because if we cannot avoid reinforcing us/them thinking and hateful ideologies, what hope is there for those closer to the conflict?

Taking such responsibility is hard work. It may mean pausing and reflecting on the content of a social media meme before clicking "share." It may mean reading reasonable and thoughtful articulations of opposing perspectives. It may mean thinking about word choice before we speak, and leaving behind the simple sound-bite in favor of something more in-depth. And it probably means an openness to hearing criticisms of what we do say, because even if we put in the work, that doesn't mean we will get things right.

But doing that work is something each of us can do, and if enough of us do it, the cumulative impact can change the cultural landscape in ways that can open up new, more hopeful possibilities.  

Friday, March 15, 2024

Some Thoughts on Conspiracies and Conspiracy Theories

Since we're barreling headlong into a national election season, all of us are likely to hear a heightened number of conspiracy theories, often invoked to vilify political rivals or people who don't serve the interests of some party or politician. 

As such, some thoughts on conspiracies and conspiracy theories strike me as in order--to help us sort through when we should take conspiracy claims seriously, and when we should be skeptical.

Let's start with what we mean by a conspiracy. Generally, a conspiracy exists when a group of people collude (work together in secret) to impact events in the world while trying to make it look as if no such collusion is taking place.

Conspiracies happen. And if they are successful, no one knows that the conspiracy happened: the event is seen by the broader world as being readily accounted for by the publicly available facts. We'll think it's an accident, or the work of a known rogue actors, or the ordinary operation of familiar processes. The role of the conspirators in producing the event remains hidden.

But here's the thing about conspiracies: they work best when they involve small groups of people or, if they involve more than a few people, do so within an organization that has very powerful control over their members in terms of ensuring coordinated effort and secrecy. 

As soon as you get large numbers of people involved--especially if they come from a range of diverse groups or walks of life, and most especially if they include characteristically "unruly" groups of independently-minded people (such as, say, journalists)--the coordination required for success starts to break down along with the capacity to retain secrecy.

So, here's the thing with conspiracy theories. They often (not always) start out plausible enough. A highway accident, involving two cars and a bus, results in the deaths of two dozen people, including a prominent politician. The theory: it was no accident, but something deliberately brought about by a group of conspirators to kill the politician while making it look like an accident.

Often, the theory finds traction in some odd fact. Suppose the purported accident was triggered by the erratic driving of one the cars involved--but an autopsy of the driver found no evidence of drugs or alcohol that could explain the erratic driving, nor any evidence of mechanical problems with the car. Furthermore, the driver had no cell phone, being notoriously opposed to them--and so wouldn't have been distracted by that.

This oddity motivates the conspiracy theory, lending some initial plausibility to the hypothesis that the driver deliberately swerved so as to cause the accident. Other odd facts emerge. Maybe, before getting in the car that day, the driver was seen burning a stack of letters. What if he was destroying evidence that could link him to people with an interest in seeing the politician dead?

Of course, these facts can be explained in many ways, most of which don't involve the driver deliberately causing the accident as part of a larger plot to kill the politician. But someone "connects the dots" between an array of odd facts using the conspiracy theory as a unifying explanation for them all. 

In the real world, lots of things happen that aren't connected to each other at all. That a certain story connects a lot of things isn't really evidence for the story. But a story that unifies stray facts into a cohesive story is attractive to storytelling animals like us--and sometimes disconnected facts are the visible signs of some unified explanation hiding under the surface.

In any event, what we have at this point is an explanatory hypothesis that accounts for a set of facts in a particular way--making them part of a unified story instead of a bunch of coincidentally related things. And even if the way the story unifies stray facts isn't by itself proof that the story is true, there might be reason to investigate the hypothesis--to treat it as something that might be true.

But it is here--when investigation into a proposed conspiracy starts--that things start to get wonky. IF a conspiracy is going on, then the conspirators will presumably try to hide the real story. And that means they will be working at cross-purposes with those investigating the hypothesis that a conspiracy was at work. 

For this reason, those investigating a conspiracy have some grounds for not immediately dismissing the hypothesis the first time they encounter contrary evidence. Things that, with more ordinary hypotheses, we'd treat as a good reason to set the hypothesis aside, might not be enough to stop investigating a purported conspiracy.

But it can be easy to incrementally slide from being someone who hangs onto the hypothesis a bit longer than usual to becoming someone for whom the hypothesis of a conspiracy has become unfalsifiable. 

The conspiracy theorist is someone who slides into the latter territory. And as they do, something happens which should throw up red flags for the rest of us. First off, evidence against the theory is increasingly treated as evidence for the theory--as further proof of how well organized and determined and powerful the conspirators are. Secondly, not only do they explain away all the contrary evidence, but they do so by expanding the size of the conspiracy. 

Suppose a doctor comes forward to say that the man who drove erratically showed evidence of a health condition that could explain that behavior. The conspiracy theorist explains this away by making the doctor part of the conspiracy (maybe an unwilling one acting under threat from the conspirators). 

Suppose an investigative journalist reports that the erratic driver recently broke up with a long-time girlfriend, and that according to a friend the driver collected love letters from early in their courtship--a collection that is now gone, offering an explanation for his being seen burning letters earlier that day. 

What does the conspiracy theorist do with the fruits of this investigative journalism? Well, obviously, the journalist is part of the conspiracy, too.

And as other doctors corroborate the first doctor's claims, it becomes the medical establishment that is part of the conspiracy. And as other reporters and journalists claim to have seen the work and vetted the sources that the first journalist used to reach their conclusions, it becomes the mainstream media that is in on the conspiracy. When a vocal proponent of the conspiracy theory is found guilty of defamation of character against the doctor, the judicial system is now part of the conspiracy too.

More and more people, across increasingly varied group, have to be part of the conspiracy (or somehow under the control of the conspirators) for the conspiracy theory to remain standing in the face of the mounting contrary evidence.

And the problem, of course, is that these are precisely the conditions under which conspiracies are unlikely to succeed.

So, when someone claims that some significant event is the product of a nefarious conspiracy, look for a pattern like this. If the conspirator has to bring in more and more groups and organizations and individuals into the conspiracy to make the conspiracy theory hold up in the light of the evidence, you have reason to be highly skeptical. 

Tuesday, February 27, 2024

So Eden Sank to Grief: Dubious Endorsement from Famous Philosophers!

My science fiction novel, So Eden Sank to Grief, is now available for purchase in both kindle and trade paperback formats. Check it out here.


In honor of the book's release, here are a few endorsements from philosophers long dead:








Tuesday, February 20, 2024

Philosophy, Fiction, and the Human Condition

For most of my adult life, I’ve been both a philosopher and fiction writer. Through both, I’ve tackled the deep questions that most engage me, especially questions of faith, social justice, human sexuality, and violence. The imminent release of my debut novel, So Eden Sank to Grief, has got me thinking about the relationship between these two things that have so shaped the course of my life.

 

Two Distinct Roles

Fiction and philosophy are two distinct approaches to engaging with questions central to understanding the human condition—questions about our values and basic assumptions, about the things that shape our worldviews and, by implication, how we respond to our world, what kinds of lives we strive for and what choices we make.

Fiction does so by telling stories about people—distinct individuals who have their own perspective on things, who live in a concrete environment, and who have problems. Fiction is about these individuals in these circumstances, facing and trying to overcome the problems they face.

Philosophy explores these questions by developing various alternative answers to these questions, and then formulating and critically evaluating arguments for and against these alternatives in the effort to determine which answers have the stronger arguments in their favor.

Both disciplines focus on the human condition, on issues about who we are and how we ought to live, how we should understand our world and our lives and the point of it all. But each has a different primary role.

Here’s my sense of these distinct roles. Fiction at its best inspires us to ask questions about the human condition—new questions, or old question asked with greater urgency or honesty or openness. Philosophy at its best helps us to decide which questions we have to answer (however tentatively) in order to live our lives, and it provides a means of fairly and honestly seeking out answers that make sense to us while also enabling us to understand why different answers might make sense to someone else.

In brief, oversimplified terms, fiction prompts us to care about the questions; philosophy offers a path to look for answers.

Of course there is overlap here. Great fiction can help us explore answers to our questions, and philosophy can help us to ask new questions and see why they matter. The difference is one of emphasis. But the emphasis matters. It matters especially to me, as a writer of fiction and as a philosophy teacher.


The Limits of Philosophy 

In my role as a teacher of philosophy, I pose to my students questions that we then explore philosophically. Some of those questions are ones my students care about already. But that’s not always true. When it’s not, what do I do? I’ve tried to get them to see the importance of the question by presenting alternative answers, showing how there are arguments for and against each, and showing that each answer has different implications for how we ought to live.

Sometimes that works. But if I rely on philosophy alone to inspire my students to really care about these questions, I have far less success than if I pause to tell a story that dramatizes the question’s importance. Tell a story, and the students listen. Tell the right story, and they see why the question matters. Tell a story featuring a character they care about, facing a problem relating to the question, and they care about the question.

Furthermore, I’ve discovered that sometimes when it looks like a student cares about a question, what they really care about is their preferred answer. The question, and the inquiry it triggers, is not for them something they value. On the contrary, they see it as a threat. It treats as dubious or debatable something they don’t want to treat that way.

As Plato stressed, we are furthest from the truth not when we are uncertain but when we are in the grip of false certainty. If we think we have the answer, we stop asking the question. Or, perhaps more accurately, we stop believing that the question matters as a question. Instead, we only care about it as a layup to the slam-dunk.

Like a catechism, the question is posed not to prompt inquiry but to set the stage for announcing our answer. Put simply, it is treated like a closed question.

When students confront a question in this spirit, arguments that challenge their preferred answer are not something to be taken seriously and wrestled with but, rather, something to be discredited. Something to be attacked.

When someone treats a question that way, they aren’t in a place where they can do honest philosophy about that question. At best, they can be philosophical apologists: they can recite the arguments in favor of their preferred answer and bash the arguments against. To do honest philosophy about a question, the question must be treated as open.


Open Questions, Closes Questions, and the Power of Stories 

Now there may be a time and a place for refusing to treat a question as open, and hence to refuse to approach it philosophically. If someone asks whether Black people are really human with a human’s right to life, I would think it better to insist that this is not an open question, that the right answer is they are fully human with a human being’s right to life. Perhaps, also, I might say a few words about why—but without legitimizing the opposing arguments and objections by taking them as serious arguments and objections worthy of consideration.

In other words, there are cases where it is more than fitting to treat a question as closed. But how do we decide when this is true? I’d look to stories. In the case above, I’d look to stories from the point of view of Black people living in environments where their full humanity is treated like an open question. Stories that lay out what that’s like.

On the flip side of things, imagine a story set in a community where a particular religious question is treated as closed. Suppose the community thinks that non-Christians are all damned. The main character, let’s call him Bill, meets a practicing Jew for the first time—Jacob, let’s say. Through a series of events, they become friends. Bill, desiring to save Jacob, tries to convert him, prompting conflict and ultimately an angry challenge to the idea that Jacob is only acceptable if he gives up his faith and identity to become something utterly alien. Bill goes through an anguished internal struggle. Does he really believe that Jacob, who is a good person, who is committed to his faith and appears to love God deeply, is doomed to hell?

Bill is further torn by competing perspectives and testimonies—especially from Jacob and from his beloved mentor and pastor, Luke. In the end, the friendship with Jacob falls apart. Jacob is clearly deeply wounded by what he describes as Bill’s intolerance. Bill returns to the pews of his church but is now grieving, and he can’t listen to what Luke preaches with the comfortable confidence he used to have.

It is at least conceivable that such a story, powerfully told, could inspire a Christian reader to wrestle with the question of whether Jacob is saved—that is, to treat the question as open—when previously it had for them been closed. This might happen even if the reader doesn’t actually change their answer to the question.

I think that most of the time, stories are more likely to open us up to questions that we might have previously treated as closed, rather than closing questions we’d previously treated as open.

This is true because of the ability of stories to expand the range of our experience. They help us to see the world through someone else’s eyes, to get a sense of what something is like that we haven’t experienced personally. Often, the reason we treat a question as closed is because we haven’t personally had an experience that challenges the answer we’ve come to accept. Such personal experiences are the primary pathway to being jarred loose from fixed ways of seeing things.

But stories can offer another way—vicarious experiences to supplement our own. The point is that stories inspire us not only to care about questions we didn’t think were important before, but also to treat questions as open—or as closed—that we didn’t treat that way before. And they do this by their power to give us vicarious experiences, a sense of what it would be like to face challenges we’ve never faced or to see things in a way we haven’t before.

If someone with a fixed idea is presented with philosophical arguments that challenge that idea, their spontaneous reaction is defensiveness. Something they believe is being attacked, which means they are being attacked. The walls come up, and they become even more entrenched in their position than they were before.

But tell someone a story, and there is a different response. A leaning in. An opening up. This is the power of stories.


Stories, Propaganda, and the Need for Philosophy

But it is one thing when a story opens us up to new questions. It is something else when it leads us down a narrow narrative tunnel to a single answer, an answer so vividly rendered that we lose sight of any other possible answers. Plato was worried about oratory and poetry because it has the power to persuade even if it offers no instruction. This is the dark side of storytelling: it’s potential to function as propaganda. 

The worst fiction is preachy. Few stories can survive preachiness, and teachers of creative writing warn against it for good reasons. A preachy story tells you what to think, what to believe. It’s in-your-face about it, and it is off-putting. I think our aversion to preachy stories tells us something about what stories are supposed to be about: not answering our questions, but encouraging us to wrestle with questions by shedding light on them. 

Stories are meant to expand the range of human experiences available to us, thereby providing us with more data than we had before, more information with which to wrestle with the big questions. But if we want to wrestle with those questions fairly and honestly, we need to do it in a way that considers the arguments for different answers, the objections to alternative arguments, the ways that different human experiences feed into alternative answers, etc. In other words, we need to get philosophical.

A story overreaches when it becomes preachy—it tries to draw too universal a conclusion from something that is essentially particular. Stories are about particular people in particular settings facing particular problems.

But propagandistic stories are not necessarily preachy. In fact, the best propaganda is not preachy at all. Rather, propaganda tells a particular story without ever telling you explicitly what to believe. Instead of telling us what to believe, the most crafty propaganda creates a story experience that fits with the view the propagandist wants us to believe: vicarious experiences that, typically, reinforce those preconceptions or prejudices that serve the propagandist’s interests, making it less likely that we will question them.

Two kinds of propaganda are particularly significant. First, there is propaganda that relies on othering. It tells a story in which the protagonist, who belongs to the same group as the audience, encounters the Other (someone who belongs to a different and unfamiliar group). And not only is the Other the source of the problem the main character faces, but the Other turns out to be just as bad (or worse) than the audience fears they are based on their preconceived ideas.

The other kind of propaganda is what I think of as manufactured discontent. It follows the model of the dandruff shampoo commercial where the first step is to make the viewer worry that they have dandruff and that others are rejecting them because of this (by dramatizing a scene in which exactly that happens). The second step is to introduce the shampoo as the solution to this manufactured problem (by having someone buy the shampoo, use it, and suddenly be embraced by those who had previously rejected them).

For this kind of propaganda, the aim is to hit on common sources of anxiety—and to magnify our anxiety about them. For the hero of the propogandist’s story, these aren’t niggling worries to be lived with. They aren’t things to be solved by an inner change of attitude. In the fictional world the propagandist creates, there are people out there free of these worries who are living idealized lives. As the story unfolds, what might have been something the reader hardly worried about is now something that clearly is a matter of concern—because it is standing in the way of protagonist’s best life. A threat to happiness. Fortunately, the thing the propagandist is selling comes along to fix things, and our hero lives happily ever after.

Propaganda, by its nature, relies on caricatures, stereotypes, and clichĂ©s. That is, it relies on reinforcing a single narrow body of experience through repitition. A single story along these lines—a single story in which audience fears and preconceptions about the Other prove all too real, or audience anxieties are presented as serious impediments to happiness that are cured by the right shampoo or ideology—isn’t enough to push the audience towards a specific answer. Propaganda works through volume (one kind of story dominates) and through marginalization (alternative stories go unheard).

When we look to stories to give us the answers, we are empowering the propagandist, because it is only in the hands of propagandists that stories will tell us what to believe. This is one reason why we need philosophy—why stories are not enough. When stories are not controlled and shaped by propagandists, they open us up to considering new questions and they shed light on those questions by expanding the scope of our experience. But then we need to think about those questions, making use of our own experiences and the range of vicarious experiences that we receive from the stories others have to tell.

The necessary follow up to good stories is philosophy. Not necessarily academic philosophy, but philosophy nonetheless.

If we aren’t prepared to do that work—that philosophical work—of thinking things through for ourselves, we become easy prey for the propagandist. This is true because, simply put, we need to come up with answers to some of the more pressing questions of life. If we don’t find those answers through thinking philosophically about our experience and the range of vicarious experiences that diverse stories provide, we risk putting ourselves into the propagandist’s hands. And in their hands, stories narrow the range of our experience in the way well-worn grooves in a trail narrow the path a cart will take. We find ourselves channeled reliably towards the answers the propagandists want us to have.


Saturday, February 10, 2024

So Eden Sank to Grief Excerpt: The Hiddenness of Our Hearts

The previous except from my forthcoming novel, So Eden Sank to Grief, touched on the hiddenness of God. But God is not the only thing that's hidden in our lives--and it's not the only thing that's hidden in the novel. In fact, hiddenness is one of the recurring themes.

The passage below captures an intimate moment between the main characters, Caleb and Sally. It's an interlude of quiet after a harrowing "underworld" journey (in which they touch up against something the alien creators of their artificial world are hiding) and before all hell breaks loose.

It's a moment when the hiddenness of Caleb's heart comes to vivid life for them both. Here's the passage:

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She sits up, looking down on Caleb. Something about the contours of his face or the way he breathes makes her realize he’s not asleep. “Caleb?”

His eyes crack open. “What are you looking at?” he murmurs, a lazy smile forming on his lips.

“That thing about the Rapture and your dad,” she says. “It’s…I think it’s the first thing you’ve ever told me about him. Was he…theology and Bible interpretation—”

His smile withers. “He went to seminary but it didn’t stick.” He looks away. “You don’t want to hear about my father.”

“I do.”

He takes a breath. “Some stuff—it’s better just to leave it in the past. Burned up and gone.”

“What? Did he beat you or something?”

Caleb shakes his head, closes his eyes. 

She lets out a snort of frustration. “Sometimes…sometimes it’s like—I don’t know—it’s like you think that telling me the wrong stuff will make me fall out of love with you.”

He takes a long breath before sitting up and wrapping his arms around himself. “That’s stupid,” he says.

“Yes. It is.”

“It doesn’t matter anyway.”

“Of course it matters.”

“He’s dead!”

“He’s your father.”

“Everyone’s d…d…dead.”

His stutter makes her heart ache. She touches his brow. “I’m not dead,” she whispers. “You’re not dead. I…I just feel like I don’t know you.”

“Y…you know me b…better than anyone ever has.”

“You know what?” She cups his face in her hands, her eyes darting back and forth between his. “I think that’s probably true. And when I think about that it…it makes me want to cry.” 

-----------------

What reasons does Caleb give for not wanting to talk about his father? Do these sound like the real reasons? Why does Sally think he's holding back?

How often do we hide our hearts from one another, and why? And what effect does that pattern of hiding have on our capacity to fully connect with those we love, to realize authentic union with others?

Is it ever true about anything that it's better just to leave it in the past, "burned up and gone"? Or, perhaps better: under what conditions can we actually leave some ugly part of our lives behind?


Thursday, January 25, 2024

So Eden Sank to Grief Excerpt: The Hiddenness of God

 So Eden Sank to Grief releases in just over a month, on February 27. It's a science fiction adventure about a group of people who wake up in a giant greenhouse that's floating in some star-rich corner of the galaxy--with no memory of how they got there. Think Lost meets Lost in Space. 

I've been writing and publishing short stories for years, but I'm always a philosopher--and that leaks through into my fiction, especially when the story is based on a parable I originally developed to make a philosophical point. So Eden Sank to Grief grew way beyond that parable, and as soon as I created the characters of Caleb and Sally, what happens to them and what they do about it became far more important than any philosophical point.

Still, So Eden Sank to Grief inevitably became a vehicle for raising philosophical questions that have long been of central importance to me, and Caleb and Sally can't help but reflect on philosophically significant ideas from their own personal standpoints, especially given the mysterious circumstances into which they've been thrust. A lot of those moments of reflection have to do with religion and God. Go figure.

Excerpted below is one such moment, followed by some reflection questions. 

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“The last thing I can remember,” she says. “The fight with my…boyfriend. I think something came afterwards. Like something’s missing.”

Caleb nods soberly. “I know what you mean.”

“But what? Is it possible to forget the end of the world?”

“That’s exactly the kind of thing you’d forget, isn’t it?”

“But maybe our visions…maybe they weren’t about what’s happened. Maybe it’s a warning. They’ve brought us here to teach us something and then they’ll send us back. You know, to help keep the vision from coming true.”

“Or maybe the visions are a bunch of crap.”

Sally looks up, up through the trees at the gap that’s just above them, and from where they sit it looks like a normal slice of night sky. “Do you believe in God?” she asks.

Caleb lets out a tired laugh. “I acolyted every month as a kid. Confirmed at fourteen. Vacation Bible School attendee through grade school, volunteer since Junior High.”

“Good God, I’m dating an altar boy.”

“Don’t worry. I’m not gonna be a preacher. Too afraid of public speaking.”

“You didn’t answer my question.”

Caleb stares past her. Maybe he’s thinking about what the question really means. “If there is a God he’s far away. Hiding himself.”

“Herself.” Sally flashes a wicked grin but can’t sustain it. “Somehow, after it happened, Mom found religion.”

“But not you.”

“It was either not believe at all, or hate God for letting Daddy die.”

-----------------------

Have you ever, like Sally, found yourself in a situation where atheism seemed the only alternative to hating God? For someone in that situation, which alternative is better? And which is closer to having faith? And why might the very tragedy that put Sally in that situation be the occasion for her mom to "find religion"? What about Caleb's perspective--the idea that God is hidden from us? 

And why do you think that reflecting on their visions led Sally to ask Caleb about God?

Would love to hear what you think.

Sunday, January 21, 2024

Tidbits and Snippets from the forthcoming novel, So Eden Sank to Grief, Part 1

 In anticipation of the release of my novel, So Eden Sank to Grief, on February 27, I thought I'd do a series of posts extracting some tidbits and snippets from the novel, especially ones that connect with this blog's theme of wrestling honestly with religion and God.

My first snippet, quite short, is inspired by the outcome of tonight's divisional playoff game between my beloved Buffalo Bills and the ever-irritating (if talented) Kansas City Chiefs. If there is one silver lining to the Bills' loss, it is that this snippet still remains fully relevant.

Here it is:


There are moments when she almost believes her mother's religion. In those moments, it's that sea of unanswered questions that does it: it seems too unfair for people to just end without ever learning the answers.

Never knowing how the next book in the series goes.

Never knowing if the Buffalo Bills will ever win a Super Bowl.

Never knowing what happened to your kids, or what waits beyond the secret passage or on the far side of the universe.

Never knowing what life is really about, and why we all have to go through so much shit.


More to come, so stay tuned!

Thursday, December 21, 2023

NEW BOOK! And this time it's fiction!

 For those who've been wondering what I've been up to while I've been neglecting this blog, the answer is...quite a lot.

In addition to working on a new philosophy book, The Problem of Heavenly Grief, I've got a science fiction novel coming out with Quoir Books, So Eden Sank to Grief. 

And it's based on a parable I wrote for this blog during it's first year, all the way back in 2008: The Parable of the Spaceship

The story has evolved so much over the years it's not even remotely the same story, but the bones of that original parable are still there. 

Below is the front and back cover. I love how it came out...and I'm kind of proud of it, since they used my own art as the cover image. 

(Also, check out the blurb from Mark Alpert, internationally bestselling author of such books as The Final Theory, Saint Joan of New York, and, most recently, The Doomsday Show.)